Hope Fellows on talk show “Top-Show”

Diplomacy and Democracy Hope Fellows on talk show “Top-Show” in Top Channel TV Albania talking about diplomacy http://top-channel.tv/video.php?id=4334

Responsible governance in the Balkans? Not a solitary mission by Hope Fellow by Ulpiana Lama

Responsible governance in the Balkans? Not a solitary mission

by Ulpiana Lama on Monday, 5 December 2011

A newly selected Prime Minister took office in Greece amidst confusion and high hopes, but the bad times are far from over. Greeks remain at odds with Tykhe and Ploutos, their ancient gods of fortune and wealth. As the European Union (EU) capitals are trying to answer the “whys” of the euro-zone’s dysfunctionality, Greece, the “euro-zombie”, is immersed in a paranoid self-scrutiny. Conspiratorial attitude about a Germany-led plot to sink Greece down and finger-pointing on governmental failures are common these days among the ordinary Greek citizens that are struggling to cope with the crisis. Actually in the Balkans crises seem to converge. No matter how unconnected they may seem there is a common pattern that produces the same dangerous outcomes. Irresponsible decision-making is manifested simultaneously in different ways throughout the peninsula.

 In Greece, the occurrence of governmental frauds, clientelism, unjustified spending for defense purposes, large tax evasion, a long-time exempt from taxes for the country’s biggest real estate owner – the Greek Orthodox Church, and an extra-large public apparatus that counts up to 14 per cent of the population, have shaken the statehood to the core.  

However, differently from its Balkan neighbors, Greece has a surplus of democracy. At Syntagma square, right in front of the Greek parliament, hundreds sit together, contributing to the vivid domestic dialogue on the future of the country.

 This is not the case with Albania. Albanians are living much better today than 20 years ago. There is substantial progress in all spheres, but the space for a free and ethical debate is still contaminated by the aggressive language of its political elite. Citizen’s participation in the country’s affairs is reduced merely to elections, a process that is still marked by severe frauds and contestation at every single round.  The “Family” – the network of children, cousins and protégées of the Prime Minister – is constantly accused by the media, the opposition and the civil society to be oligarchic and predatory. The depiction of Italy under Mr. Berlusconi as a “medieval court,” made by Princeton professor Maurizio Viroli, stands for Albania as well: a system based on rewards for loyalists and penalties for rivals. The Albanian governing cabinet remains in permanent state of denial towards all sorts of criticism and has lost any capacity for self-improvement.

Being at the periphery of global markets, Albania felt relatively safe from the economic recession that shook the West. The country has experienced a modest growth over the past years, with a 4.9 per cent increase of its GDP in 2010 alone. However the situation has changed dramatically this year. According to IMF, the projection for GDP growth is at only 2%, making the reduction of public and external debts a mission impossible. There is little accountability on how public money is used and just like what has happened with its southern neighbor, the Albanian government is allegedly cooking up the statistics.

Montenegro has scored better this year; the European Commission Progress Report praised Podgorica for a number of reforms, but the country’s sustainability remains a challenge because the economy relies predominately on tourism, the export of aluminum and the production of hydro-energy. Whilst the first brings seasonal revenues, the second is a volatile market with ups and downs that make GDP predictions quite a bet. The third sector is just a projection, with no likelihood to fulfill government ambitions for a leading role in the region. Politically, only a slight majority of the population supports the notion of an independent Montenegro – an achievement of the 2006 referendum – which makes the state’s cohesion questionable.

The Macedonian government is having a busy time trying to brand an identity for the republic, an activity which has mostly resulted in inter-ethnic latent tensions. The nationalistic discourse of the current young Prime Minister is turning Skopje into a provincial capital, where the narrative is largely dominated by his personal political agenda.   

As a matter of fact, state-building is at stake throughout the Balkans! Most of all, this is evident in Kosovo. The stand-off in the north of the river Iber threatens one of the primarily features of a state: its territorial integrity. Kosovo Serbs have managed so far to close the bridges which link the ethnically divided city of Mitrovica and are threatening to proclaim autonomy unilaterally. All started when Kosovo authorities took action to restore control over the custom points in the Northern border. The lack of any order and monitoring system has had a huge financial impact over the country’s budget. It has twisted the policy of prices because goods were allowed for years to enter tax-free with much lower prices than similar products exported from other countries.

Authorities in Prishtina declare that the resistance in North is sponsored by criminal structures. This is partially true. A shadow economy has prospered during the last 12 years in the Northern region. The local bosses have become rich beyond expectation thanks to the status quo and have no intention to give up privileges and power. The Serbian leaders of the North are affiliated with the ultra-nationalist wing of Serbian politics, the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). Nevertheless, the moderate government in Belgrade keeps Northern Kosovo as an ace up its sleeve wanting to create opportunities for political blackmail in Bosnia as well with the precedent of territorial division in Kosovo. Belgrade has done nothing to soothe the political, economic and social tensions. On the contrary, it has injected radicalism through different means: first, by orchestrating a frantic campaign against Kosovo independence; second, by adapting a nationalistic rhetoric vis-a-vis the issue of Kosovo; and third, by financing parallel structures (health, education, courts and police). Until recently, the Serbian government has allocated about 500 million euro per year for the 120,000 Kosovo ethnic Serbs, one-third of them living in Northern Kosovo. This figure has dropped nowadays to a quarter billion euro. The contrast is clamorous compared to the budget allocated for 56,000 ethnic Albanians living in South Serbia (Preshevo Valley): only 20 million euro per year! By doing so, Serbian government is openly exercising a policy of ethnic discrimination.

Based on the international mediation led by UN envoy Marti Ahtisaari – which facilitated Kosovos’ declaration of independence – the Kosovo authorities have put extra efforts and resources in implementing a policy of affirmative action for the country’s minority communities. Instead, Serbia is systematically implementing a policy of negative discrimination against the ethnic Albanians that live in the Preshevo Valley. Belgrade may stick to its nationalistic agenda and unfair governance as long as it can. It’s up to international community to change the equation. If the EU does not intervene firmly on this issue, the situation might go soon out of hands.

Kosovo has many problems, the lack of statehood tradition above all, which results in dilettantish measures and improvisation, but it is stretching all its resources to build a multi-ethnic society and seek a decent place for itself in the world. Once its Northern territory is excluded, the Albanians in Kosovo would never understand why they should be called “Kosovans” and not simply “Albanians” in a mono-ethnic state (without the territory north of the river Iber, the percentage of all minorities in Kosovo counts up to 7%). A multi-ethnic Kosovo, within the EU – is the reason for the existence of a Kosovan state, predominantly composed by ethnic Albanians.

The concept of mono-ethnic states must be rejected by Brussels. Nevertheless, if Serbia persists sabotaging that European paradigm, the only quick-fix remains a symmetric solution, which involves the swap of territories with Serbia: North Mitrovica for Preshevo Valley. In any scenario, more active involvement is required. European integration is a political and an economic project for this part of the world, because it serves as the best safeguard and guide for political freedom, economic progress and social peace. Although the weakening of Greece is being followed by the revival of Turkish power and ambition for a paternal role in the Balkans, there is no alternative to European Integration for the region. The diversity and the notable contretemps of the Balkans should be treated with genuine interest and the way the EU strong countries react now has much to do with the future of European Union itself.

An illustration of this is the Greek case. There was no reason for an economy that represents a tiny slice (2 percent) of the EU’s overall economy to have such deep and depressing effect on European financial markets. We have come to realize that the crisis exposes a structural problem within the EU: the introduction of the Euro as a national currency was not followed by the adoption of a common fiscal policy, which leaves no automatic transfer mechanism for the EU as a whole. All at the same, EU members are extensively focused on an economic language, which – as we see – is impoverishing the political discourse. To this respect, a crucial point is the preservation of civic virtues, such as solidarity and community spirit, within the EU. The way in which the South-East periphery of Europe is portrayed in today Western media is not helping much; a certain amount of mild racism leaves a vacuum that risks being filled by resentment and disappointment. Economies and people in the Balkans are learning their lessons the hard way. They want fair and responsible decision-making processes. Unfortunately, they cannot do it alone. Brussels has a role to play, and that is a top role.

Violeta Zefi writes about awareness as the most efficient tool in the fight against HIV / AIDS

Hope Fellow from Education Group Violeta Zefi writes about awareness as the most efficient tool in the fight against HIV / AIDS -  Article published in Albanian language in Kosovo News Portal TELEGRAFI – http://www.telegrafi.com/?id=26&a=4451